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Manifesto Introduction
The party defines itself by the five core policies. So that members and non-members clearly understand what the party stands for, these cannot be changed. At present they are principles the details of which will be decided according to the party constitution
All other policies will be decided according to the constitution
Below is a provisional list of headings for the Mani-festo each with a link to a page
That page contains provisional ideas for discussion.

Read this, as work in progress. Only DRP paid up members can comment and so if you want to have your say:





Constitution Design
House of Commons Senate
Autonomous Regions

Electoral System

Constitutional Court Supreme Court
Functions of Government Public Services Board Monetary Policy Board





Monetary reform

Personal Finance


Great Crisis



Tax havens
Corporation tax
Income tax
Wealth tax


Federal nation
Autonomous regions


Skills training
Industry needs
Business development
Export assistance



Transport Road Rail Air
Social Housing
Postal Services, Telecommunications
Fire Service
Probation Service
Waste/ pollution



Islamic World
Military provision


Social exclusion
Minorities and race relations,

Economic enfranchisement
Church of England
Civil Society

Ethical Issues
Humanitarian issues/Animals


National planning strategies
Coordination of regions

Energy/Climate Change



Human rights
Economic rights
Penal reform




Political parties
Political philosophy












Government departments
Prosecution Service








British Republican History








Creating a new party


The Need for a New
Repubican Party


There has never been a more appropriate moment for the creation of the Democratic Republican Party of Great Britain.


We had thirteen years of New Labour and before that eighteen years of Thatcherite Conservatism.


Now we have a coalition that has not learned a single lesson from the mistakes of the last three decades and it intent on submitting the British people to Thatcherism all over again - albeit now under the new name of "austerity". on.


Nigel Lawson, Chancellor under Thatcher, in the 80s, used the same tactic that George Osborne is using now - inflation asset prices by releasing credit into the system - to great a feel good factor that stimulates the economy.


Just as with Lawson, there is no substance to the present mini burst of activity. But is will serve its purpose - to get the Conservatives elected in 2015.



The political bankruptcy of the three main parties is evident to all - even their friends. Voter apathy is at an all time low and sinking.


The younger generation is given little hope of ever being able to participate in the wealth of the country. The fallacy of running a constitution where all power is concentrated in the Prime Minister is now plain to all. And the regular revelations of sleaze and graft among the most powerful people in our land are a tiresome reminder of this.


We desperately need a thorough overall of our political system.


This will never happen through any of the existing parties. They lack the imagination. They lack the will. They will never hang their colours on the mast of any proposal that shifts power away from the Executive and establishes a proper balance of power within government.


Their vision does not extend beyond jostling with each other for grabbing onto vote grabbing tax cuts, playing to the gallery on law enforcement issues and rubbishing their opponents record on economic management in the hope of distracting attention away from their own.



The Demcratic Republican Party is the party to establish a proper Republican Constitution in Great Britain but it must also be a new party to challenge the existing ones on the complete range of policies issues. 


It must become one of the major parties of this country. But is not the history of British politics littered with failed attempts to establish new political parties?


Perhaps, although there is a major exception in the Labour Party that, a hundred years ago, emerged within just a few years to become one of the top two parties in terms of electoral support.


So it can be done. It will be done if the clear and identifiable need is there, and who can honestly deny that the need is there. Those who try to walk away from this self-evident fact are themselves in denial. In their hearts they know this.


It will be done. Because the impetus for change is already there. It only needs to be unlocked by a group of people ready to stand up and spell out the Constitutional Republican message of what exactly is wrong with the existing situation and stating clearly what must be done.



Republicanism proper is not about the Monarchy. Such "civil list republicanism" will always be a non-starter in British society. There is simply not enough to be gained by a simply abolition of the monarchy without addressing the enormous issues the face British society.


The Monarchy is a sideshow, and when disestablished under the new Constitution that is what it will remain.


The real issue is about where real power lies.


That is what these pages are about. That is what Republicanism is about today in Britain - and what it was about in Britain from the beginning.


Republicanism is a big word for many in Britain. And one that engenders wariness, even fear. But this is only amongst those who have little awareness of the history of this country and its politics.


True Republicanism is in many ways ingrained in the British political fabric even if we might sometimes call it something else.



The Democratic Republican Party will be the natural home for many disaffected traditional Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrat supporters.


These people used to be the dominant forces in their parties before the Populist signatories to the post-Thatcherite Consensus took control.


New Labour may have looked to some like a break from the past but it is now clear that it was a development of 80s policies as if the pain of the 90s never happened.


The yuppie rip off profiteer was born in the 80s but grew up to maturity in the noughties.


Now the Tories and the LibDems, have entered into a coalition which has allowed the Tories to return to their NeoLiberal Thatcherism as they wish with the LibDems used as window dressing.


All the parties are scramble to occupy the holy grail of the middle ground, the middle ground has become very crowded.


Except the "middle ground" is no longer the middle ground; for in the post-Thatcherite Consensus it has shifted it away from commitment to the broad values of society towards commitment to a narrow money-dominated privateering.


Leadership has been replaced by focus groups. Signposts have been replaced by weathervanes.  Politician have no direction so they cannot give it.


They point whichever way the wind is blowing - or whichever way they think it is blowing.


The discussion has to revolve around personalities because there is nothing else at stake.



A major role of the Democratic Republican Party must be to inform.


There is a desperate general lack of understanding in the Kingdom of what real republicanism, Constitutional Republicanism, Civic Republicanism, Democratic Republicanism really means and the new world it offers.


Citizens of most Modern states know what republicanism stands for, both in idea and practice.


Why are subjects of the Kingdom left in the dark?


The answer to that question is all too clear. Our leaders want us to be in the dark.


We have lost the dynamic towards humanist government that is so much a part of our nation's history. But we only need to look into ourselves to rediscover it.


The founders of the First Republic or Commonwealth on British soil in the seventeenth century did not turn to Republicanism by importing a continental theory and applying it to the English situation.


They mostly constructed the Republic from the English political institutions they already knew.


Although the Restoration followed in 1660, many of the achievements of the First Republic were consolidated by the so-called Glorious Revolution of 1688 and the Act of Settlement of 1701.


The Constitutional Monarchy that resulted contained elements that resulted from the First Republic. This worked reasonably well for its historical time as long as the Monarchy could maintain its authority.


The problem is that the Monarchy has now lost authority, so leaving the Prime Minister with all the power. This creates the imbalance that poisons the whole of the British polity.



The first British Republicans used to talk about their Good Old Cause. We can now talk about our good New Cause. This time it will not slip from the mainstream.


The slipshod ease with which the constitution can currently be altered is someething that astonishes people from abroad. We will not need to apologise for taking advantage of this by framing, voting in and installing the new Republican Constitution within a single Parliament.


Following a period for the people to assess its working, permanent adoption will then be subject to a referendum. From then on there will be no turning back. But who will want to? The current political world we inhabit will seem like a bad dream - but a bad dream that was true.


Hand in hand with the establishment of the Second Republic must go a major revision to the way money is created in our economy, for without this we can never generate real prosperity for all the people, young and old.


Once, again this country has always been at the forefront of ideas on Financial Reform and must again boldly give the rest of the world the lead in reversing the indebtedness that most of us suffer from for most of our lives, and which reduces other people, in poorer countries, to little more than economic slavery.


Once again, this can never happen through the offices of the current major parties. Debt is something they have always encouraged. The economics of debt is the only thing they understand. The culture of debt and the power it bestows on capital and banking is intrinsic to their world view.


The idea that true wealth might derive from fine companies and their dedicated work forces is to them an incomprehensible idea.


None of the main parties have ever sought to reduce the power of capital and banking over companies.



As well as the much earnest work to be done, political life can become lively, cultural and even sexy again. The old kings and queens used to have Courts which attracted the most brilliant minds and personalities of the day. Current monarchs are too timid and covetous of their image for anything but dull, stuffed-shirt entertaining.


The sight of a floodlit Brian May playing rip-snorting guitar on the roof of Buckingham Palace during the Silver Jubilee may not be the most naff-free image, but it is a better pointer to how the place might be, under the Republic, than a gloved hand on the balcony coyly waving to a fly past. Bring it on!


A Republican Buckingham Palace can open its doors to a lot more fun.


Fun! Now there is a word we might want to rehabilitate. It does not mean binge and bling. Those things are not fun anyway.


They are sad.


It means putting a shine on the cultural, political and intellectual life for everyone.


And that can only happen off the back of general advancement and general public wealth.


Trying to secure your own little pot in the shifting sands of boom-bust cycles is not fun.


It is misery.


The culture of Republicanism, Radicalism and Reform is there, still, in the soul of British society at large, as it always has been.


But now, as time moves on, this culture will be acting and reacting even more strongly.


No one - but no one - will be able to keep the lid on it.



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© COPYRIGHT. All content of this website unless otherwise indicated is the copyright of Peter Kellow. You may freely quote and republish content on condition that you acknowledge the author the source and give the link to the website www.democraticrepublicanparty.co.uk


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